Dreams of Constitutional Order

I. Not Total Fantasy

Last year, amidst all the electoral political wrangling here in the U.S., a politically-inconceivable idea floated to the surface of the collective consciousness and miraculously managed to stay afloat for months. That idea was that the States should exercise their Constitutional prerogative to come together and rewrite the Constitution, to give themselves a federal government more to their liking. [1 2 3 4 5] Since the election, the reasons listed as the motivation for rewriting the U.S. Constitution have only intensified, but other issues have arisen and this one has, sadly, submerged.

I wish to reverse that. Let the possibility of a modernized Constitution for the American Republic return to the daylight. Therefore I present here a little dream of a day in our future…

II. A Constitution for the 21st Century

IN CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION, July 4, 2026

The declaration of the fifty united States, the District of Columbia, and the five populated territories of America,

When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to reforge the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assure that among the powers of the earth, a separate and equal station are entitled them, a decent respect to the opinions of humankind requires that they should demonstrate the virtues which merit them such station.

We hold these principles to be self-evident ideals, that all humans ought receive equal justice; that they ought be endowed with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life and equal liberty to pursue their happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among them, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form as shall be most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience has shown that humankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and disfranchisements, invariably scorning the people’s objections, evinces a design to debase them under obsolete regulation, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of the people, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government.

We the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of equal liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.

Article I.

Section 1.

All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a virtual Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Council, a Caucus, an Assembly, and an Agora. The Council, and Caucus, and Assembly, and Agora, shall each individually be composed of all persons who have been five years a citizen of the United States, and no person shall be denied equal participation in the Congress, by law or practical effect of government action or inaction, on account of any other criteria whatsoever.

Section 2.

Congress shall remain open for ordinary business at all times, unless by law they shall adjourn for days not to exceed half of any year. Congress shall conduct agenda business at least once in every year, and such shall begin on the first Monday in January, unless they shall by law appoint a different day.

Section 3.

Ordinary business for the Council shall be to endorse candidates for the Presidency, and to decide by vote questions put to it by the President, by a majority of the Cabinet, or by law. Each member of the Council may endorse or not endorse each candidate for the Presidency, and the endorsements of all candidates shall be kept on record. When a question shall be put to the Council, each member of the Council may vote Yes or No, or not vote.

Ordinary business for the Caucus shall be to write and endorse Goals. Any member may write Goals and submit them to the consideration of the Caucus. Goals shall be any statement of personal values to be implemented, or any description of desirable consequences to be achieved. Each member may endorse or not endorse each Goal.

Ordinary business for the Assembly shall be to write and endorse Bills. Any member may write Bills and submit them to the consideration of the Assembly. Bills shall be proposed sets of laws or changes to the set of current laws. Each member may endorse or not endorse each Bill.

The Agora shall have no ordinary business.

Section 4.

Ordinary business for all houses of Congress shall be suspended during agenda business.

On the first day of agenda business, a representative set of 100 Goals shall be selected, unless by law another number of Goals shall be selected. The manner of selecting a representative set shall be as follows:

First, the degree of influence of each Caucus member over a single Goal be calculated as the reciprocal of the number of endorsements of that goal if that member has also endorsed it, or zero otherwise. Second, the degree of influence of each member for a set of multiple Goals shall be the sum of the degrees of influence of that member over each of the Goals in the set. Third, the degree of proportionality of a set of goals shall be the squared mean degree of influence of all members, divided by the mean of the squared degrees of influence of all members, regarding that set of goals. Fourth, the degree of preference of a set of Goals shall be the sum of the numbers of endorsements received by each Goal in the set, divided by the number of Goals in the set, and divided again by the number of members of the Caucus. Fifth, the degree of representativeness of a set of Goals shall be the product of its degree of proportionality with its degree of preference. Finally, the representative set of Goals, for a given number of Goals, shall be whichever set is found to have the highest known degree of representativeness.

A representative set of 100 Bills shall be selected, unless by law another number of Bills shall be selected. The method shall be the same as for Goals, except regarding Bills endorsed by members of the Assembly rather than Goals endorsed by members of the Caucus.

The Council and the Assembly shall have no agenda business.

Agenda business for the Caucus shall be to vote their values. On the second day of agenda business, all members of the Caucus shall receive 1000 votes, unless by law the number of such votes shall be increased. Each member may distribute or not distribute their votes among the Goals according to their values and desires. They shall have one week to make their final decisions regarding distribution of their votes, unless by law some other length of time shall be chosen.

Agenda business for the Agora shall be to bet their beliefs. On the day after the final Caucus votes are distributed, the Agora shall issue and publicize betting market contracts for each pair of one Bill and one Goal from their respective representative sets. The contracts for each such pair shall be Pass-Meets, Pass-NoMeets, NoPass-Meets, and NoPass-NoMeets. All members of the Agora may purchase or not purchase these contracts according to their beliefs and finances.

The maximum price of all such contracts shall be the same, and that price shall be one dollar unless set by law to some other price. The price of a Pass-Meet contract shall be calculated by taking all funds spent on the Pass-Meet contract and dividing by all funds spent on both the Pass-Meet and the corresponding Pass-NoMeet combined. (The initial value shall be set as though one dollar had been spent on the Pass-Meet and one dollar on the Pass-NoMeet.) The price of the Pass-NoMeet contract shall be the maximum price less the price of the Pass-Meet contract. The prices of the NoPass-Meet and NoPass-NoMeet contracts shall be set in the same manner, except regarding NoPass-Meets and NoPass-NoMeets rather than Pass-Meets and Pass-NoMeets, respectively.

Each purchase of a Pass-Meet contract for a Bill and Goal shall indicate belief that, if the Bill shall be passed, then the Goal shall more likely be met than its current price suggests. Each purchase of a Pass-NoMeet contract for a Bill and Goal shall indicate belief that, if the Bill shall be passed, then the Goal shall less likely be met than its current price suggests. Each purchase of a NoPass-Meet contract for a Bill and Goal shall indicate belief that, if the Bill is not passed, then the Goal shall more likely be met than its current price suggests. Each purchase of a NoPass-NoMeet contract shall indicate belief that, if the Bill is not passed, then the Goal shall less likely be met than its current price suggests.

Agora members shall have four weeks to make their purchases of the contracts, unless by law some other length of time shall be chosen.

The expected value of a Bill-and-Goal shall be the price of the corresponding Pass-Meet contract minus the price of the corresponding NoPass-Meet contract, with that difference multiplied by the number of Caucus votes distributed to the Goal. The expected value for a Bill shall be the sum of expected values of all Bill-and-Goal pairs of which it is part. The total expected value for a set of Bills shall be the sum of expected values of the Bills in the set if the Bills are mutually compatible, or zero if they contain a contradiction. The set of Bills with the highest positive expected value shall be passed and become law. The remaining Bills shall not be passed and not become law.

Purchases of Pass-Meets and Pass-NoMeets for Bills which are not passed, and purchases of NoPass-Meets and NoPass-NoMeets for Bills which are passed, shall be refunded promptly at no interest or at a rate of interest determined by law.

All Assembly members shall be paid one dollar for each Bill passed into law which they had endorsed, unless by law that payment shall be increased.

Section 5.

Post-agenda business shall occur one year after the end of the agenda business session, unless by law some other length of time shall be chosen.

Post-agenda business for the Caucus shall be to vote on whether the Goals were met or unmet. Each member, for each Goal, may cast the votes they had previously distributed to it for Met or for Unmet, or may choose not to cast the votes. Uncast votes shall be excluded from the consideration below.

Each Pass-Meet contract for a passed Bill and Goal shall pay to its purchasers the maximum contract price multiplied by the proportion of Caucus votes cast for the Goal being Met. Each corresponding Pass-NoMeet contract shall pay to its purchasers the maximum contract price multiplied by the proportion of Caucus votes cast for the Goal being Unmet. Each NoPass-Meet contract for an unpassed Bill and Goal shall pay to its purchasers the maximum contract price multiplied by the proportion of Caucus votes cast for the Goal being Met. Each corresponding NoPass-NoMeet contract shall pay to its purchasers the maximum contract price multiplied by the proportion of Caucus votes cast for the Goal being Unmet. All such contract payments shall be paid with no interest or at a rate of interest determined by law.

Section 6.

The Congress shall have power:

To make all laws which shall be reasonable for carrying into execution all powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, or in an Department or Officer thereof; and these shall be the primary powers;

To make all laws which shall be useful for carrying into execution all powers vested by a three-fourths majority of States or by a two-thirds majority of the Council in the government of the United States, or in an Department or Officer thereof; these powers shall be enumerated in the Index to this Constitution as secondary powers;

To make all laws which shall be necessary for carrying into execution all powers vested by a simple majority of the States or by a simple majority of the Council in the government of the United States, or in an Department or Officer thereof; these powers shall be enumerated in the Index to this Constitution as tertiary powers.

Section 7.

The Congress shall have no power:

To make any law which shall be in violation to the founding intent or prevailing understanding of this Constitution or its Index; or to make any law not authorized by this Constitution or an enumerated power in its Index; these shall be the primary rights;

To make any law which shall impinge upon any exercise of a right vested by a two-thirds majority of the States or a two-thirds majority of the Council in the States or in the People; these rights being incompletely enumerated in the Index to this Constitution as secondary rights;

To make any law which shall impinge upon the equal enjoyment of a right vested by a simple majority of the States or a simple majority of the Council in the States or in the People; these rights being incompletely enumerated in the Index to this Constitution as tertiary rights;

To do other than make and obey laws as set forth in this Constitution and its Index.

Article II.

Section 1.

The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America and a Cabinet. The candidate for the Presidency receiving the most endorsements from the Council shall be elected the President, and shall remain in office for the duration that condition holds, up to a maximum of five years, unless impeached and removed from office. At the time a President takes office, a Cabinet shall be elected who shall hold office for the same term as the President. The Cabinet shall be a representative set of twelve candidates for the Presidency, excluding the President, chosen by the same method as the representative sets of Goals and Bills, except regarding candidates for the Presidency endorsed by members of the Council rather than Goals endorsed by members of the Caucus or Bills endorsed by members of the Assembly.

Section 2.

The President shall be Commander in Chief of all personnel in the employ of the government of the United States and shall have such powers as are necessary to execute the laws of the United States, subject to those laws and to the rights of the States and the People.

The President may refer a question to the Council and allot a time in which it shall be answered.

Section 3.

The Cabinet members shall have such powers as are necessary to observe and advise the executive decisions and actions of the President and any personnel in the employ of the government of the United States, subject to the laws of the United States and the rights of the States and the People.

The Cabinet may, by simple majority vote of its members, publicly impeach the President, one of their own members, or any person in the employ of the government of the United States, for reasons public or secret. The Cabinet may, by three-fourths majority vote of its members, remove from office the President, one of their own members, or any person in the employ of the government of the United states, for reasons public or secret.

The Cabinet may, by majority vote of its members, refer a question to the Council and allot a time in which it shall be answered.

Article III.

The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may establish. The judges, both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their offices indefinitely unless they shall be convicted of felony, impeached, or removed from office by the Cabinet.

The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising under the laws and treaties of the United States. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof and under its authority, shall be the supreme law of the land, and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, regardless of any thing in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary. If any part of this Constitution shall be found in conflict with another part, the primary shall take precedence over the secondary and tertiary, the secondary shall take precedence over the tertiary, and otherwise the newer shall take precedence over the older.

Article IV.

Section 1.

The ratification procedures of the prior Constitution of the United States, if met regarding this Constitution as an amendment of the prior, shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution and its initial Index.

All laws of the United States in effect prior to the establishment of this Constitution shall remain in effect after its establishment unless they shall violate this Constitution or fail to be warranted by it.

Section 2.

The President, or a majority of the Cabinet, or the Congress via law, may propose an Amendment to this Constitution and put the question of whether to ratify it to the Council for a vote. If a three-fourths majority of the Council shall vote in favor of ratification, the Amendment shall be adopted.

If the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States shall vote to ratify a proposed Amendment to this Constitution, the Amendment shall be adopted.

Section 3.

The President, or a majority of the Cabinet, or the Congress via law, may propose amendments to the Index to this Constitution and put the question of whether to ratify them to the Council for a vote. If a two-thirds majority of the Council shall vote in favor of ratification, the amendments shall be adopted. If only a simple majority of the Council shall vote in favor of ratification, the amendments shall be adopted provided they regard only tertiary powers or rights.

The Legislatures of the several States may propose amendments to the Index to this Constitution and put the question of whether to ratify them to themselves for a vote. If a two-thirds majority of the States shall vote in favor of ratification, the amendments shall be adopted. If only a simple majority of the States shall vote in favor of ratification, the amendments shall be provided provided they regard only tertiary powers or rights.

INDEX OF POWERS AND RIGHTS

Secondary Powers and Rights

1. The United States shall protect each of the States against invasion and interstate disaster; and on application of the Legislature, or of the Executive when the Legislature cannot be convened, against domestic violence or intrastate disaster.

2. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Representative Republic, Direct Democracy, or Futarchic Form of Government.

3. New States may be admitted into this Union by the Congress, but no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State, nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress. States may be expelled from this Union by the Congress with the consent of the Legislature of the States concerned.

4. States shall have no power to exercise or impinge upon the powers vested in the government of the United States by this Constitution or its Index. States shall have no power to impinge upon the rights vested in the people by this Constitution or enumerated in its Index. The powers not vested in the United States by the Constitution, the States, or the Council, nor prohibited to the States, are reserved to the States respectively or to the people individually. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. The description and enumeration of certain rights in the Constitution and the Index shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.

5. Full faith and credit shall be given in each state to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other state. The Congress may by uniform laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. The citizens of each state shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states.

6. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles moved across state boundaries. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the residents of one state over those of another: nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one state, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.

7. No title of nobility, nor any legal privilege based in genetic or biological origin or composition, nor in fame or wealth, shall be granted, and no person holding any office in the United States, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state.

8. No law shall privilege one religion over another or prohibit the exercise of any religion in equal freedom, and no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust. No law shall privilege the right to free speech or press of one party over another or prohibit the exercise of speech or press in equal freedom. No law shall privilege one peaceable assembly over another or prohibit the exercise of the right of peaceable assembly in equal freedom. No law shall abridge the right to petition government for a redress of grievances, and no person shall long be denied formal response to such a petition. No law shall prohibit the exercise in equal freedom of an individual right to keep and bear weaponry useful for self-defense or sport, and the regulation of such exercise is reserved to the States within their boundaries.

9. No person holding any office under or in the employ of the United States or the several States shall be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner in time of peace, nor in time of war except in a manner prescribed by law. No private property shall be taken for public use without the consent of the owner, except in time of war in a manner prescribed by law. No person shall be coerced into service of the United States or the several States in peace or in war. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall exist within the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction.

10. The right of the people to security and privacy in their persons, buildings, land, chattel property, documents, and communications, in whatever form, and in previously or privately acquired data about such, against unwarranted examination, analysis, distribution, search, and seizure, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall be issued, except which particularly describe the place to be searched, the persons or things to be seized, the crime suspected, and probable cause for each such place, person, or thing, each supported by evidence of a nature more related to the criminal activity than to legal activity. In all criminal investigations, proceedings, and prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the assistance of competent counsel for their defense, and shall have rights to an early, speedy, fair, and public trial by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and evidence of the accusations, and to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in their favor. No person shall be held or deprived of liberty without charge. No person shall be deprived of life or property without conviction of a crime by due process of law. The privilege of the writ of habeus corpus shall not be suspended. The trial of all crimes shall be by jury. No person shall for the same offense be put twice in jeopardy of life, liberty, body, or property. No person shall be compelled in any case to be a witness against themself, nor their spouse, parent, or child. No person shall be induced to commit crime by any person in the employ of the United States or the several States; nor shall any person so induced be charged with the crime; but rather the inducing person shall be charged with the crime. No punishment shall deny the right to pass on an inheritance. No punishment shall be due to a bill of attainder or ex post facto law. Bail beyond the means of an accused shall not be required, nor fines beyond their means imposed, nor unusual punishments inflicted, nor unnecessarily cruel punishments inflicted. Treason shall consist only in levying war against the United States, or in giving their enemies aid in war. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court.

11. The right of the victims of crimes to restitution, when restitution shall be possible, shall not be denied. The right of persons convicted of crimes to rehabilitation, when rehabilitation shall be possible, shall not be denied.

12. In suits at common law, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law. Plaintiffs and defendants shall enjoy the assistance of competent counsel for their defense, and shall have rights to an early, speedy, fair, and public trial.

Tertiary Powers and Rights

1. A Person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall on demand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. The trial of all crimes committed within a State shall be held in said State.

2. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. Congress shall have power to establish an uniform rule of naturalization.

3. Congress shall have power to coin money, regulate the value thereof, and to borrow money on the credit of the United States, and to provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States. No money shall be drawn from the treasury except in consequence of appropriations made by law. A regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time.

4. Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States; the Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes on incomes, from whatever source derived, without apportionment among the several States, and without regard to any census or enumeration.

5. Congress shall have power to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and with the Indian Tribes, and which passes across state boundaries.

6. Congress shall have power to establish roads, trains, and the like crossing state boundaries, and to regulate air travel between the states, and to regulate electromagnetic transmissions crossing state boundaries, and to regulate air and water contaminants crossing state boundaries.

7. Congress shall have power to promote the progress of science, the useful arts, medicine, and public health.

8. Congress shall have power to constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme Court.

9. Congress shall have power to make treaties, to declare Peace, to declare War, to grant letters of marque and reprisal, and to make rules concerning captures on land and water, and to define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the Law of Nations, and to provide and maintain a Navy, and to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces, and to raise and support Armies, and to provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions, and to provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the Militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the appointment of the officers and the authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress.

10. Congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over all places purchased according to law and by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of needful buildings. The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territories or properties belonging to the United States. The District of Columbia, Puerto Rico united with the Virgin Islands of the United States, Guam united with the Northern Marianas, and American Samoa shall each be granted statehood if their respective legislature shall request it.

III. Waking Thoughts

The new Preamble obviously is a slightly rewritten version of the old Preamble plus the beginning of the Declaration of Independence. There has always been a lot of debate about some of the outlandish claims of those old documents, so I’ve tried to take the objections into account and express the best modern version of the original ideas. As much as possible of the old Constitution’s language was kept intact while updating it for my goals, which were the following.

Contrary to my earlier claims about useful futarchies, it seems that a directly democratic form of futarchy is entirely practical in the modern age. In fact, we can do a great deal better than Robin Hanson’s suggested version.

The first major improvement is in eliminating majoritarianism. In majoritarian democracies, the majority wins everything and the minority loses everything. A majority 50% + 1 vote for building more soccer stadiums and a minority with 50% – 1 vote for lowering taxes means that the government puts all its emphasis on building soccer stadiums and none on lowering taxes. Above I described how the U.S. could run itself as a proportionally influential democracy. This is far more than mere Proportional Representation. PR only means that each voter gets the same amount of influence over the representatives. A simple majority of proportionally-elected representatives would still overrule the minority in exactly the same way as unproportionally elected ones. In proportionally influential democracies, each voter gets the same amount of influence over the goals that the governments pursues. With PI, a majority 50% + 1 vote for improving roads and a minority 50% – 1 vote for improving public transportation means that the government will put nearly as much importance on improving public transportation as on improving roads. The strife, drama, and chaos of political factions rising and falling, and forming, squabbling, and disbanding? It would be gone, because it would serve no purpose. Changes in law and policy would come about smoothly and gradually, in perfect tandem with changes in public opinion.

The obvious objection to ordinary direct democracy, of course, is that most people wouldn’t know a good law from a bad law if their lives depended on it, and that we would rather have the problems of rule by insufferable elites than the problems of rule of utter fools. But futarchy is not ordinary democracy. Everyone knows what they want. Futarchy takes that information and uses the power of incentives to ensure that we get the laws that will best achieve what people want. It offers cash prizes to experts who weigh in and are right about which laws will best achieve what the people want — and it penalizes experts who weigh in and get it wrong. The promises, lies, and manipulation of voters by political factions that are what today count for political debate and argument? They’d be gone, because they would serve no purpose. If you know something other people don’t about which proposed law is best, then you just buy one of the contracts for the proposed law. Anyone who attempts to game the system with lies and manipulation will lose money.

I’ve also separated choosing goals for the government from writing actual laws, because writing laws is also a specialized skill. There’s a small cash reward for finding good laws they endorse and that go on to become law; this is to encourage people to endorse compromise laws that they might otherwise ignore. Nowadays compromise bills are all about representatives holding the public good hostage until they get what they need to advance their careers. With the proposed system, making good compromises would not only be the public good, but would also be in every individual’s personal interest.

If it ever proves necessary to have a simple, fast, Yes-or-No vote to a question, I’ve included a way to do that via the Council. I hope it would not often prove necessary, however.

The manner of voting for the President is as close to proportionally representative as it’s possible to get, given that only one person can be elected. These days the President’s Cabinet has become an important part of the executive branch who have nearly as much power as the President, yet they are unelected. Above I’ve given a description of how a proportionally representative Cabinet can be elected. That new, proportionally representative Cabinet has also been given the role of governmental watchdogs that can restrain an overreaching President, even if the details need to be kept secret for security reasons.

The main body of this Constitution doesn’t actually give the government any real powers. Those are the sorts of things that are likely to need changing more often with different times and circumstances, so I’ve added two tiers. The government would be relatively free to act on the more important powers, but more restricted in what it may do for the less important powers. At the same time, the government is more tightly constrained by the more important civil rights, and less tightly constrained by the less important rights.

The Index is a major reworking of parts of the old Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the subsequent Amendments. I’ve reorganized them, clarified them, and, for some of them, dramatically strengthened the civil rights protections. This whole section is not so important; the reorganization of the form of government to be directly democratic, proportionally influential, and futarchic is by far the more important part, because then people could easily secure the rights they feel are important and grant the government the powers they believe it needs.

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